Counter-figures and protagonists of the Iranian political crisis
Jean-Sylvestre Mongrenier brush with the portrait of talented actors prncipaux the Iranian crisis.
Read the following lines can understand better the challenges of the current crisis.
If we are to believe the dogma, partly backed by President Obama in his speech in Cairo (June 3, 2009), the CIA had removed itself a premier national democratic elected and supported by all Iranians, and in the name of oil interests of the United States.
This fact justifies a posteriori the large reserve which the White House has shown in the present political crisis in Iran. But we must look more closely.
Born in 1880, Mohammed Mossadegh was the son of a wealthy landowner and a parent of Qajar princess, the imperial dynasty preceding the seizure of power by Reza Khan (founder of the Pahlavi dynasty, it takes power 1925). Mossadegh was educated in Europe and obtained a doctorate in law from the University of Neuchâtel (Dr. Mossadegh). He was then governor of the province (Fars, Azerbaijan), Minister of Finance (1921) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (1923-1925). Mossadegh opposes the takeover Reza Pahlavi and he was temporarily imprisoned.
In 1943, Mossadegh was elected National Front (the actual number of voters then not more than one tenth of the population), a small political party that is allied with the Tudeh, the Iranian Communist Party.
Mossadegh arises champion a national policy on the issue of oil.
In 1994 and 1947, he led the failed Soviet (requirements for oil concessions) and against the interests of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) was founded in 1909.
When the Iranian prime minister, General Razmara is assassinated by a member of the organization Fadayan-e Eslam (led by Navvab Safavi, the precursor of political Islam and a metro station in Tehran bears his name), doors are open to him. He headed the government in April 1951.
With the support of the Tudeh Party but also Shi'ite (led by Ayatollah Kashani), Mossadeq decided to nationalize the oil and thereby trigger a major international crisis with multiple dimensions.
The AIOC has the conflict before the International Court of Justice at The Hague; technicians British were expelled and international markets close to Iranian oil, is that Tehran could not even extract and export its own efforts.
Without oil revenues, the country slides into economic crisis and conflicts Mossadegh with the Shah (Mohammad Reza succeeded his father in 1941, who abdicated under pressure from the British and the Soviets who then occupy Iran) .
As part of their overall strategy of containment, the United States supported the nationalism of the Third World and therefore the will of Mossadegh nationalized the oil, provided that the shapes and international law (compensation owners, etc.) are respected; Washington is not on the same line as London strongly supports the British economic interests in Iran as in the entire Middle East.
However, their mission conciliation fails and the conflict between London and Tehran is running to the economic attrition. On site, the political situation deteriorates. The Tudeh practice of street unrest, the Shah was forced to start and the Shiite party loyal to the monarchical principle, dissents from Mossadegh.
Mossadegh sought to exploit the Communists (Tudeh) and the fear of the USSR, to put pressure on the Americans who maintain their economic aid. An additional request for assistance is extended in May 1953, Washington must stop thinking of Mossadegh as a bulwark against communism. The Prime Minister responded by concentrating more power.
Therefore, we see the convergence of political interests of the Shah, the army (loyal to the monarch) and the religious party, the United States playing the facilitators. The main architect of the coup, August 19, 1953, is General Zahedi, a member of the Senate and leader of the monarchist opposition. In fact, the United States plays a key role, the CIA funding and organizing the coup (Operation Ajax).
August 19, religious leaders and leaders of the bazaar organized a demonstration monarchy and the army joined the movement and took control of the capital. Mossadegh was arrested, Zahedi became head of the government and the Shah returned to Iran. The former prime minister was tried and sentenced to three years in prison. Released in 1956, he retired from public life and died in 1967.
Since this serious domestic crisis and international Mossadegh as a pioneer and leader of Nasserism third world victim of American imperialism and is also a victim of blackmail his suicide and gambling that leads to the ambiguous Tudeh. Finally, we must not neglect the proper in the Iranian coup of August 19, 1953.
Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic Ayatollah Khomeini
is the winner of the 1979 revolution and the founder of the Islamic Republic. Born in 1902 in Khomein, near Tehran, he studied and taught theology in Qom, one of the holiest sites in Shia Islam. Ruhollah Khomeini against the Shah stands and the policy of forced modernization of the country, Middle Eastern variant of "enlightened despotism" inaugurated by Reza Pahlavi's father and, simultaneously, by Mustafa Kemal in Turkey.
Arrested in 1963 he was exiled and went first to Turkey, then Iraq, before joining France in 1978, while the Iranian political situation deteriorates. Installed Neauphle-le-Chateau, he enjoys the convenience of the authorities, who think they have a trump card for the post-Pahlavi, and his followers flood Iran with tapes of recorded violent preaching on French soil.
The Shah went into exile, Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Tehran on 1 February 1979, where he triumphantly allowed. He announced the same day the constitution of an Islamic Revolutionary Council, the first step towards the establishment of an Islamic Republic (March 1979).
In this new politico-religious regime, Ayatollah Khomeini performs the function of the Supreme Leader of Islamic Revolution. First character of the country, appointed for life by the Assembly of Experts, it has the upper hand in affairs domestic and foreign policies. Sometimes
presented in the West under the guise of a peaceful kind of wise (a Muslim Gandhi), Khomeini revealed his true face for all to see (though). Islamic Courts purify the state apparatus and army are bloody purges and go well beyond the inevitable settling of scores inherent in this type of situation.
November 4, 1979 hostage taking of U.S. embassy (52 diplomats held 444 days) embodies the violently anti-Western orientation of the Islamic regime, Ayatollah Khomeini refers to a "second revolution". When Saddam Hussein's troops attacked the "enemy Persian, September 17, 1980, the Supreme leverages the war between Iran and Iraq (1980-1988) to eliminate the sources of opposition and strengthen the Islamist grip on the country.
Ayatollah Khomeini died in 1989 and the followers of comparative evoke the "Thermidor" of the Islamic Revolution. Two decades have passed since ...
Ali Khamenei, Supreme Leader of Islamic Revolution
In the current political crisis in Iran, Supreme Leader of Islamic Revolution outset supported the outgoing president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, revealing strong solidarity between the two men (a fact overlooked by many experts).
Born in 1939 in Mashhad (one of the shrines of Shiite Islam, east of Iran), Ali Khamenei was a student of Ayatollah Khomeini that he follows in his opposition to the imperial monarchy of Mohammed Pahlavi, he is also jailed several times during this period.
In 1979 he joined the Council of Islamic Revolution and is very committed to the implementation of the plan; Ali Khamenei helped create the Islamic Republic Party and runs a time the Guardians of the Revolution, iron lance ideological regime.
In 1981, he survived an attack that takes away one arm. He was elected president of Republic, with the approval of Ayatollah Khomeini (Mousavi is the Prime Minister); Iran is at war against Iraq.
the death of Khomeini in 1989, Ali Khamenei appointed Supreme Leader by the Assembly of Experts, not without controversy. Critics said Ali Khamenei would not have any theological qualifications required, and in 1979 he was qu'hodjatoleslam, making it a religious junior.
Once in place in June 1989, he broadened the scope of its functions and strengthen the bonds forged over the years with the Revolutionary Guards and intelligence services of the scheme, so of "deep state". Ali Khamenei is haunted by the "western cultural contamination" and a form of Iranian "velvet revolution".
From 1997 to 2004, he opposed in many respects to the timid political reforms advocated by Mohammad Khatami, who succeeded to the presidency of Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989-1997), himself a supporter of a limited opening to the West.
On 12 June 2009, the Supreme Leader immediately takes up the cause of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and he solemnly renews its support on 19 June. The turn taken by this serious political crisis and the bloody repression have already invalidated the scenario of a "velvet revolution".
In this respect, the wishes are fulfilled Ali Khamenei, Iran's Islamist is not Hungary or Czechoslovakia post-Cold War.
Ahmadinejad challenged President and Leader of the Islamic-Justicialist
Reelected in circumstances that we know (various information confirms the initial feeling of a huge fraud), the President of the Islamic Republic is the epitome of the "engineer Islamist, secular from the popular classes (a blacksmith father) who attempts a new synthesis politico-Islamic radical more the regime that emerged from the revolution of 1979.
Gamsar Born in 1956 in a small town a hundred miles from Tehran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad belongs to the generation that forged his political identity in the context of the Iran-Iraq war than in years of struggle against the regime the Shah.
He trained as an engineer as many of these activists in the Arab-Muslim world, constitute the backbone of radical Islamism, and obtained his doctorate in 1987 (he already holds public office).
Elected Mayor of Tehran 2003 he became president of the Islamic Republic in 2005. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad supported the Pasdaran (the "Revolutionary Guards") and the Basij (the "Focused") that represent the core of the plan and recruit in the popular media.
These structures are central to the populist and clientelist system, with oil revenues as a "justice", of which Ahmadinejad is the incarnation (see the financial role of various foundations controlled by the Pasdaran and policies assistantship the benefit of the lower classes).
So his speech he connotations "fight classes, particularly when it threatens to "cut hands" of "profiteering" threat addressed in terms scarcely veiled Hashemi Rafsanjani - Former President of the Islamic Republic (1989-1997) and defeated rival in 2005 - deemed be one of the richest men of Iran (his daughter was arrested June 21, 2009 and then released, ed Primo). This dimension
"populist" (a kind of Islamo-Bolshevism?) Should not obscure the close connections with Ahmadinejad's part of the clergy, the support shown by the Supreme Leader, and the propensity of the character to a form of political millenarianism.
Iranian President expects the near return of the Twelfth Imam, a descendant and representative of the Prophet, who died in 873 (see his speech at the UN in September 2005 and the speech delivered November 16, 2005 at the meeting of imams Friday ).
Internationally, this religio-political orientation is reflected in a speech denier and anti-Jewish violent diatribes against Israel and the United States and an anti-Western stance, Ahmadinejad sought to take the head a pan-Islamic front that would expand the Shiite axis and it is forging links with countries hostile to the West (Russia, China, Venezuela).
He wants to be the leader of a "third revolution", described by observers of Islamo-Justicialist.
Mousavi, leader of a not found "color revolution" Islamic Revolutionary
the first hour, Mir Hossein Moussavi is an "old horse" of return, long absent from the political scene. Born in 1941 in the Azeri part of Iran, he initially appears to represent a form of Islamism third world and has a recent craze among classes urban and community supporters of the opening.
Given his political history, one must wonder if the character is not overtaken by the dynamics of events and transformed into a totem, in Freudian terms, a large proportion of the population.
Many people, tired of the psycho-cultural confinement, also suffer pervasive effects of the isolation of Iran internationally and economic failure of Ahmadinejad.
But we must remember that Mousavi is a man of the seraglio committed to the very origins of the Islamic Revolution. He is a founder of the Republic Party Islamic and became the political secretary, and therefore supported the Ayatollah Khomeini during the revolutionary events.
Mousavi was then foreign minister before being appointed prime minister from 1981 to 1989, during the years of war against Iraq (Ali Khamenei was president of the Islamic Republic). He is credited with a decisive role in the survival of the Islamic Iran and functioning economy. If
then disappears from the scene, Mousavi was one of the main advisers of Presidents Rafsanjani and Khatami, who now support it. The Islamic third world now looks "reformer", exposed to the axis revolutionism Khamenei-Ahmadinejad.
should see more precisely in the person of Mousavi a "national-Islamist", mindful of the fundamental interests of his country reserved for the provocations of Ahmadinejad who have only reinforced the hostility towards the Iran.
We know he intends to continue Iran's nuclear program, like most of the political class, and do not see him as a "martingale" to resolve all disputes between Iran and the West. His hypothetical
access to the presidency, however, could facilitate a negotiation between State and State-centered interests well defined and circumscribed. Mousavi seems to have burned his ships and it will be difficult to avoid, for himself as for his movement, the consequences of a bloody crackdown.
Jean-Sylvestre Mongrenier
Thomas More Institute
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